Κοίτα, αυτό που λες φίλε Petran79, το να φαντάζεσαι διάφορα κατά την συνουσία, είναι στην ανθρώπινη φύση και πάντα ήταν. Και οι αρχαίοι ακόμα, αυτό υπονοούσαν όταν έλεγαν ότι στο σκοτάδι, όλες ίδιες είναι. Επομένως, αν είναι να αναλύσω αυτό το θέμα, πρέπει να πάω πολύ πίσω, 25 αιώνες κοντά.
Από την άλλη και στην Βίβλο υπάρχει εδάφιο που και καλά απαγορεύει την απεικόνιση στα δημιουργήματα του Θεού. Επομένως, όλα τα cartoon και anime είναι αμαρτία, γιατί διακωμωδούν την δημιουργία του Θεοπλάστη.
Ολοκληρώνοντας, σχετικά με τα αυτονόητα και τις έρευνες, υπάρχει διαφορά στον αστικό μύθο που καλλιεργούν οι διάφορες κοινωνίες και στην ανθρώπινη φύση. Σαφώς και καλλιεργείτε ως αρετή ο υπερβατισμός κάποιων πλευρών της ανθρώπινης φύσης, από την άλλη η απομάκρυνσή μας από αυτές τις πτυχές, μας κάνει λιγότερο ανθρώπους.
Πάντως στην συγκεκριμένη έρευνα, δε ξέρω αν έχεις μιλήσει με παππούδες και γιαγιάδες που να σου εξιστορούν ιστορίες από τους δικούς τους παππούδες και γιαγιάδες, δηλαδή 140-150 χρόνια πίσω κοντά. Εγώ που έχω μιλήσει, μπορώ να καταθέσω ότι και τότε, κυρίως στην εποχή του "νεο-Ρομαντισμού", όλοι οι αριστοκράτες ζευγαρώνανε έχοντας κατά νου το κατά πόσο η τάδε μοιάζει την τάδε σε στερεότυπο. Αντίθετα με το λαό που ζευγάρωνε με προξενιό καθορισμένο από δημογέροντες.
καλά παλιότερα η κλιμακτήριο για τις γυναίκες εκδηλώνονταν και αργότερα από ότι σήμερα. Παίζει ρόλο και η διατροφή που σήμερα είναι πιο πλήρης και γεμάτη ενα σωρό ουσίες.
Από το βιβλίο Sexual Pedagogies, Sexual Education in Britain, Australia and America (1879-2000)
Today’s readers, of course, will discern a significant difference between the sexuality of a nine-year-old and that of a nineteen-year-old. The one is unequivocally a child by our standards, the other a young adult—potentially, indeed, a parent. But while Victorian observers too would have conceded that someone nearly twenty is at least virtually an adult, it is important to note that ways of constructing age have changed over time. The term “adolescent,”popularized in the twentieth century, is generally used today to describe any individual between the ages of, say, thirteen and eighteen, but originally denoted “the years from sexual maturity to the end of physical growth in a person’s twenties” (Weeks 50). In thenineteenth century, the duration of childhood had much more to do with social class and gender than is now the case; a twelve-year-old servant was for all intents and purposes an adult, while a twelve-year-old aristocrat was not. Upper-middle-class boys, who were likely to leave home for boarding school at age seven, were often presumed to be more sexually sophisticated than their twin sisters educated at home; a “home daughter” might well linger in childhood’s anteroom, doing lessons in a desultory fashion and subscribing to girls’ magazines, until her early twenties.
Indeed, as Jeffrey Weeks observes, dietary considerations dictated that physical maturity tended to come later in the nineteenth century than it does today: “The ages of puberty and menarche were at least as high as 16 for the rural population in the early nineteenth century” (48).
While by 1879 the well-nourished children of the comfortable classes would have reached pubertyearlier, social expectations would nonetheless have worked to emphasize the youth of such individuals.10 Significantly, in the 1870s members of the upper middle class married later than people in other walks of life (Weeks 73);
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Today’s viewers often classify Carroll’s child nudes as works that are colored by pedophilia without being pornographic. Yet that Carroll gave up photographing nudes in 1879 and destroyed most of the nudes that he had taken earlier acknowledges the probability that the images would be perceived as sexual even (or especially?) within a culture that insisted on the child’s purity.4 And indeed, in their twin focus on purity and sensuality, the photographs share a characteristic concern of the pornography of their day. Frank Mort, for instance, notes that in “photographic studies of child prostitutes dating from the 1860s and 1870s . . . childhood innocence was erotically framed against visible signs of immoral sexuality, such as exposed genitalia or the depraved stare” (84). In some contexts, purity might appear not as availability’s opposite but as its preamble.
Conversely, nineteenth-century society arguably considered children less taboo sexually than is the case today. Swain, Warne, and Hillel, for instance, note in the present volume (chapter 2) that Australians charged with rape and sexual abuse in the 1890s might convince courts of law that girls in their early teens were “consenting adults.” James Kincaid proposes that perhaps “the Victorians, busy sexualizing the
child, still did not invest in the process the degree of anxiety common in [the twentieth] century” (201). And, along similar lines, Ronald Hyam suggests that the sizable population of juvenile prostitutes, visible to observers long before W. T. Stead and other reformers targeted it for international attention in the 1880s, was larger in Britain than elsewhere in the world (62).
Until 1875, the age of consent for girls under English
law—this milestone did not exist for boys—was twelve; between 1875 and 1885, it was thirteen. If in John Marchmont’s Legacy (1863) Mary Elizabeth Braddon can emphasize her heroine Mary’s childishness by perching her, as a “little girl” of thirteen, on her father’s knee (50), Braddon sees nothing paradoxical in earlier establishing that at age eight,
Mary’s “womanly heart” is capable of forming a lasting passion for her future husband (40). Victorians of all levels of respectability and throughout the English-speaking world were alive to the appeal of what Braddon terms the “child-woman” (47), an ideal that insisted on the naturalness of romantic attachment in an era in which love was elsewhere
codified, formalized, and generally rendered as “unnatural” as possible.